Abstract

 First, this study discusses the settlement in the form taneyan lanjhang, namely “kobhung” located at the western end (qibla) not only serves as a center of activity for men namely the transfer of religious values to the next generation, but also a symbol of supervision and control (Panopticon) out of the family members. Second, women in villages Madura can not escape from adhandhan, arembi ', and amassa' (self-care, childbirth or caring for the family, and cooking) as a form of devotion to her husband and family. With this condition, they did not sue even accept gracefully about his role in the household, because it has been taught for generations.

Introduction

As a concept that exists in human life, marriage sociologically seen as a social institution which gives recognition to a couple of men and women as well as children born in a family unit1. One aspect of marriage that gets serious attention of anthropologists is about settling patterns after marriage (post-marital residence). Murdock2 stated that residency patterns after marriage reflects a system of social organization in the family, such as the distribution of power within the family, especially the distribution of powers husband and wife.

In general form, the pattern is thus known as the main sequence of kinship theory3. With this theory, the pattern of post-marital residence in different produce different patterns of power. In matrilocal residency patterns always found the power relations that are matriarchal 4. That is, the power is in the hands of women or wives. In contrast, in the pattern of patrilocal residency are always found to be patriarchal power relations5 . That is, the power is in the hands of men or husbands.

Several studies have demonstrated the applicability of the theory. Matrilocal residency patterns, for example, demonstrated by the results of research that examines the Sear6 and Phiri7 community Chewa (a region in Malawi, Africa). They found that women in the region still live with her mother after marriage and inherited land to be managed jointly husband and children. In such circumstances, a married man (husband) a member of a subordinate and dependent in a family due to the implementation of matriarchal authority and norms of matrilocal marriage8.

The same pattern also occurs in people Pume in Venezuaela9, Society Cham in the Mekong Delta, Vietnam10 , some areas in Thailand11, and some parts of India, such as Nair, Mappile in Kerala, the tribal groups on the island of Minicoy, Kashi, Jaintia and Garo in Meghalaya12, and the Minangkabau, West Sumatra, Indonesia13.

On the other hand, some communities practiced patrilocal residency patterns with the pattern of patriarchal power. This pattern occurred in almost 70% of the human community14, One of them is happening in the Muslim community and a small portion in the Santal community, in Bangladesh. Through the course of the pattern, after marriage every woman moved into the house husband or the husband's father's house and it occupies a subordinate position in a family due to the imposition of patriarchal authority15 , The same pattern occurs in the Bedouin (Mesir)16 , community in Egypt, and Batak, North Sumatra, Indonesia17 .

Risidence post-marital change also causes a change in the pattern of power. This happens, for example, in the Garo community in India. Garo population is matrilineal-matriarchal tribe. However, the factors of urbanization, education, and employment causes residency after marriage patterns among them began to change. Approximately 32% of couples prefer patrilocal residency patterns. This causes a change in the pattern of matriarchal power into patriarchal 18. The same thing happened at the Society Pueblo Bonito in Chaco Canyon, Mexico19

In Madura, post-marital residence residency matrilocal pattern analysis20, which resulted in tanéyan lanjhâng21, pattern with kobhung building on the western tip22 , Deviating from the main sequence kinship theory, in this matrilocal pattern residency ruling is the male or the husband. In other words, the pattern is patriarchal power23 That is, in the pattern of matrilocal residence embraces the type of male-dominant power, the power in decision-making in the hands of men or husbands.

The power of husband over the wife also reflected in the concept bhupa'-bhabhu-ghuru, Rato, a compliance standard referential Madurese against leading figures in a hierarchy. That is, this concept implies hierarchy figure that must be respected and adhered to, ranging from the father, mother, teacher, and the last queen (government).

Bhupa term placement '(father) at the beginning of the chain-bhabhu' compliance bhupa'-ghuru-Rato, structurally caused by the father's own position. This position can be tracked on the kinship system and kinship Madura tend to be asymmetrical 24, In this case Neihof, as quoted by Sidiq 25 , said that in the lineage of women (pancer Bine ') are considered non-existent. Sebapak children, although born by several mothers (tarétan sapancer) is said to be closer than children of the same mother some fathers (tarétan dhângaso). While placement bhabhu '(mother) in second place in fact can not be separated from the issue of women who are under the hegemony of men.

Madura state of society, especially from the psychological side of the wife, looking at the need to examine the role and function Kobhung26 that may affect the behavior of the wife's psychological and berkehidupan in Madura society.

Issues to be examined in this study was formulated in the focus of the question as follows; First, how the existence kobhung as Panopticon in playing power relationship of husband and wife with the pattern of patriarchal power in Madura, and secondly, how the behavioral and psychological domination husband wife face in the patriarchal system power pattern.

The aim of this study was the first academic to add a collection of indigenous research on Madura. Second, socially, the results of this research are expected to discover the implications presence in tanéyan lanjhâng kobhung role that allows the behavior of the wife in Madura.

Research on kobhung on Madura society, either in or outside Madura Island Madura Island, has been done by some experts. Nor Hasan kobhung assess the function of the Madurese27. Kobhung function, according to him, is able to form a solid Madura generation in tradition, has a noble soul, respectful and courteous, as well as a strong sense of belonging and responsibility towards the homeland.

Jeckhi Heng and Bayu Aji Kusuma researching langgar position (kobhung) as a sacred space in Madura28. According to him, violated in Madura serves as the central male aktififitas, namely the transfer of the value of religion, place of work during the day, the reception area, rest areas and sleeping men, a place to conduct daily ritual, and the warehouse of agricultural products.

Ayu Indeswari, et al studied the pattern of shared space on Madura settlement colony in the city of Malang29. The result is that langgar (kobhung) is one shared space in tanéyan lanjhâng. As a shared space, violating a place to share information between family members or close neighbors tanéyan lanjhâng.

From various studies above, there is an ever associate the presence kobhung in his role for the behavior of the power relations of husband and wife is patriarchal, so this study intends to reveal the other side of keberdaan kobhung that the behavior and psychology of wives in Madura in attitude , act and power of obedience to the husband.

This study used a qualitative approach, namely a study design that can evolve and be open in accordance with the conditions of the fiel30 , For reasons that reason, researchers used a type of ethnographic research as a method of research that is holistic-integrative31 because the strategy is raised in power relation husband and wife is not determined solely by one factor, but influenced by several factors or arguments that are interrelated. This research was conducted in a village in the subdistrict Proppo penaguhan-Pamekasan, Madura, with data collection techniques used in this research is in-depth interviews (depth interview), non-participant observation, and documentation study. The subjects of this study were the wives in the community.

Analysis of the data in this study using an interactive model analysis. By following this model32 , the analysis of the data coincides with the data collection process33. To maintain the validity of the data, researchers used the method suggested by Noeng Muhajir34, namely the achievement test findings and test results as well as the tentative interpretation of the recordings, audio, video, and the like.

To triangulate the data35, then at the end of the study time available used to check the data and field confirmation of the interview and validate the results of observations through interviews. In this case, focus group discussions (FGD) is implemented as a means to consult with peer researchers, scholars / experts and leaders Madura to obtain comparative data and confirmation of opinions. The research process starts from the preparation of the design and test instruments, field data collection, data analysis, focus group discussions and reporting

Kobhung as Panopticon in the Power Relation of Husband and Wife with Patriarchal Power Pattern Madurese

System is a system of power that determines one's position on other people, whether it was in a dominant position, subordinan, or equivalent. In the village Panagguan Sub Proppo-Pamekasan Madura, patterns of power between husband and wife patterned patriarchal. This means that the husband has a dominant power over his wife. This, very strong Islamic influence in creating the culture. According Fri buk, in Islam, men are seen as the leader for women, and therefore he is responsible for a living, such as providing food, clothing, for themselves, their children, and his wife 36.

The doctrine of the supremacy of men over women were justified from the verses of the Qur’ran and the Hadith of the Prophet. impressive supremacy of men over women; therefore women should be submissive and obedient to men as a command of the religion. Even submission and obedience that is also true in some aspects of worship. For example, in relation to the implementation of the sunnah fasting, a wife must first obtain the permission of her husband. If her husband did not give him permission, and he was still fasting, then he is deemed to have acted sin (Muhammad, 1442H: 30). Therefore, the obligation to obey her husband, and shall take precedence over sunnah fasting (al-Asqalani, 1379: 296).

Liabilities wives against husbands, according to Fri buk is to obey her husband. The main task of a wife is to obey her husband. Adherence to this husband together with obedience to the leader. The reason why the wife must obey the husband is due to the observance of the Lord's command. Allah SWT. has made her husband as leader, while his wife and children like the people who must obey their leaders 37 . Indeed, obedience to the husband is the joint that is very important to maintain the integrity of a household. If the leader in the household no longer obeyed his orders, then the existence of the household leadership had collapsed. If kepemimpina no longer controls the household, then the family will fall into chaos that could threaten the integrity of the household. Obedience to the husband, added thud Friday, is the command of Allah, not obeying the husband means to disobey Allah. For Allah ordered and ordained provision. So, where obey their husbands in terms of goodness is a form of obedience to God himself.

Liabilities obey the husband was ordered by Allah. based on the letter of the Koran, the 34th verse of Surat al-Nisa '. Shaykh Nawawi when interpreting this verse says: "Men are in charge of women, because Allah swt. has preferred some of them (men) on sebahagian another (female), and because they (men) spend out of their possessions. That is, men are rulers over women adab due to Allah. has favored them over women to perfection intellect, skill set, sharpness of thinking, more powerful in work and obedience. On the basis that all of them devoted to assume the prophetic office, the priest, and prwalian, enforce syi'ar-syi'ar (the religion of Allah), a witness in the whole matter, the obligation of Jihad38 .

Liabilities submit to your husband is also based on the Hadith of the Prophet. either in the form of words and deeds of the Prophet. One of the Prophet with regard to the problem of obedience to the husband was: "From Rahman bin Auf said: The Messenger of Allah said: 'if the woman (wife) perform the five daily prayers, mempuasai Ramadan, keeping his cock, and obey her husband, then said to him: 'Come into heaven through any door you want." in another hadith the Prophet explained that the wife who was devoted to her husband got some good qualities, instead if wife disobeys her husband, then he will receive from the curse of Allah, the angels and all mankind. The Prophet said: "The wife who disobeys her husband, will be cursed by Allah, angels and all mankind39 .

Signs power of men over women in the village Pamekasan Sub Proppo Panagguan started since both into marriage. Mathadi Pak stated that in the tradition in the village, in addition to giving dowry, men are also required to provide certain goods to the female during mating. Mahar is a treasure that is rightfully a number of wives for their marriage ceremony40.

In-Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali stated that the mahr as something that must be paid to his wife, and the wife lawful for the clocked41 . Therefore, the scholars agreed madzhab the wife's right to refuse clocked before the dowry paid42 .

Opinions of the fiqh schools yielded insights that dowry is interpreted as an intermediary for the halal to have sexual relations of husband and wife. Therefore, it can be understood as a covenant marriage contract said to be a possession ( 'aqd al-Tamlik), namely ownership of husband over his wife because he had paid a dowry to his wife. Akad bias observed ownership of view, for example, Hanafi that allow wedding ceremony using the wording of al-Tamlik (ownership), al-grant (submission), and al-bay '(sales)43. This view was later implicated in the impression that the dowry is the purchase of a wife by her husband44.

Some contemporary scholars reject the view that the dowry is the purchase price of a wife by her husband. Shihab, for example, saw the dowry as a symbol of readiness and willingness to feed born husband to his wife and children. El-Fadl also rejects the view that the dowry is the purchase of women, giving rise to the impression that married women in three ways, namely captive, appropriated, and / or purchased.

This view of the obligation to provide a dowry is, to some degree, influenced by the pre-Islamic traditions that make dowry in marriage as something that is given to the guardian of women as a reward for the guardians who have been caring for and raising him in the side as well as the risk of losing its role in the family45. Therefore, in this context, the dowry is interpreted as the purchase price of a woman from her guardian, so that women are the property of her husband46 . to another position. This is equivalent to an anthropological view that the dowry is another form of buying and selling in compensation for losses suffered by woman's family for the loss of several contributing factors in the family such as loss of employment, and a reduction in fertility rates in the group.

In this case, kobhung very important role as the Panopticon in the power relation of husband and wife with the pattern of the patriarchal power. Based on the observation conducted by researchers47, in the village of Panagguan Sub Proppo Pamekasan, house building form a cluster (group home). In one cluster usually consists of some specific mass and function space consisting of roma (room), kobhung, dhapor (kitchen), pakeban (latrines), somor (wells) and kandhang (cage) .Some of the home series are all facing south (lao '). Most Western buildings normally occupied by the parents or the youngest daughter will have the house when his parents died. At its western side respectively occupied by his brothers. In front of each house there is a kitchen building, cage and pakeban. In the West built a kobhung as a male, in terms of imi head of the family or the husband reside.

The houses in Madura generally facing south (lao ') is evidence that the ancestors of the Madurese community comes from the North (China). Lao 'can be interpreted as a symbol of safety, because in the history of the Chinese people who became the ancestors of the Madurese been threatened danger coming from the hinterland in the north48.

A crucial element in this living community unit is kobhung are always there as a complementary unit and a yard or open space that occurs because ketersusunan building mass is formed such that the open space as a binder called sebagaiTanèan lanjhang.

Lanjhang Tanèan settlement formation was preceded by a house mother called tonghuh, the forerunner or ancestral home of a family and is equipped with kobhung, stables, and a kitchen. If a family has a child only households, especially girls, will give parents or even no necessity to make a home for girls.

Placement home for girls in the position to the east. Such a neighborhood group called pamengkang, so if the next generation has occupied, it will form Koren and until Tanèan Lanjhang. The arrangement thus continuously evolve over time. If this arrangement is too long then the composition turns into a face.

Tanèan Lanjhang formed because a number of houses in order berjejeran to the main house which is in the middle. The main house is usually marked with a chicken's comb on its roof. The main house, occupied by the oldest man in the family. The oldest person is then referred to the head of soma. Like a little king, the head of household was the one who mastered all family policies, especially with regard to marital problems.

Living room or home is the main room, has one main entrance and consists of one room beds furnished porch. Space rear or inside a closed and dark nature. Opening only found on the front, either in the form of doors and windows, even a simple house does not have a window. This is a space in a single, meaning that this space consists of one room and no screen at all. The main function of this space is to accommodate the activities of sleep for women or children. The porch has a half wall open, opening only at the front. The main function of this room is a living room for women and space for the implementation kompolan or socio-religious activities of women.

Kobhung located at the western end (qibla) serves as the central activity of man, namely the transfer of religious values ​​to generation, as a place of work during the day, the reception area, a place of rest and sleep for men, and used to perform the rituals of everyday life and also as a warehouse agricultural product.

With kobhung in the West, home to the North and the kitchen, pakeban, and a cage in the South or in front of the house, very helpful for the husband to oversee wife. Husband through kobhung can also control and out of his wife and others in the cluster, as a doorway into the cluster are usually located in the west, which is next to the South or the North kobhung. The husband supervision becomes more effective because the front of the kobhung are closed, leaving only a doorway into the kobhung. With kobhung architecture like that, the husband can see the situation on the outside, but the outside kobhung could not see inside kobhung. More specifically, the wife does not know or can not see into kobhung, whether there is in it or not. Thus, the wife would constantly being watched by her husband.

This indicates that kobhung be Panopticon. Panopticon building eight square shape surrounded by a wall with a tower in the middle. At the edge there is a circular building detention cells with two open windows reinforced bars, one leading to the inside so clearly visible from the control tower located in the middle circle the building. Another open window illuminating beam directed out that cell. Thus not only the visible shadow inmates, but the whole move was clearly observed by inspectors. Inmates do not know who or how many were watching, they know is that he himself is monitored 49 .

In this context, Foucault uses the Panopticon as a metaphor for the supervision of the individual in daily life, which gave birth to the term panoptisism50. In modern life, physical presence in the oversight is not mandatory, but the effect is felt. Physical presence may only occasionally, but those who watched felt that he was always in control. Therefore, Panopticon can be understood as a model of how power can be run through supervision.

Psycho-social Domination of the Husband in Wife's face Power Pattern Patriarchal System

Tanean Lanjhang, as mentioned above, a distinct social unity in a community environment Panagguam village. In Tanean unit Lanjhang no clear division between private space and public space. Public space is symbolized as a male space free, open and being outside are realized by kobhung and tanean as a common room. While the private sphere as a space symbolized women and children are covered, located in and embodied in the form of the main house (tongghu) following other utility rooms, such as kitchens and “pakeban” (tarditional of toilet)

The position of women was obvious position that is protected or subordinate position. Women have a special room such as, for example, home is where the female. The allotment of the house is to live by women's groups. The house inhabited by women and small children. While l aki adult male has a space that is outside and very public nature such as kobhung.

Panagguan village women's position can not be separated from partiarki system. The dominance of power and the power of men over women occurs in all aspects of political, economic, social, cultural and other aspects. Male domination of women is something that is deeply rooted in the patriarchal system that developed in a society.

The relationship between the patriarchal system with issues of gender differences (gender differences) proposed by Kamla Bashin stating that the issue of differences in sex in a kinship system will have consequences on the emergence of differences in the type of rights and liabilities to be received and charged to each gender.

Issues of gender analysis in the interpretation of religion into a matter that needs to be assessed properly. According Fakih no inclinations in interpreting a result of gender inequities influenced by the views that exist in a patriarchal system that produces an interpretation of religion that puts the patriarchal perspective as well as an example of God "as if" as a male figure.

Thus, the role of public-domestic dichotomy unsustainable by itself. He reinforced by arguments of justification, such as biological structures distinctions between men and women, the interpretation of religious arguments, and the reconstruction of the various disciplines involved. However, as noted by many experts and observers of women's rights, such as Fakih and Bahshin, among several factors that exist, the interpretation of the arguments of religion or doctrine teologislah as the main cause (primacausa) all of this. This factor provides extraordinary influence, to the point of gender relations in the household hierarchy has settles in the subconscious of both men and women. Clarification efforts not only dealing with men, but it is not uncommon to have to deal with the challenges of the women themselves. Of course, this challenge is not because kecurgaan or a priori attitude alone. Which raises awareness of sexist enforcement of gender equality-including releasing a family of gender relations hierarkis- considered to destroy the values ​​of religion and undermine the Islamic society. The meaning of the argument of religious interpretation here should be affirmed, because the real religious arguments may not lead men on ketidakadian and violent acts. That is, between the arguments of religion and its interpretation should be separated, because the two are very different. Proposition religion comes from the Lord of the Righteous and the Justice, while interpretation is the work process of human reason that truth is relative. Which raises awareness of sexist enforcement of gender equality-including releasing a family of gender relations hierarkis- considered to destroy the values ​​of religion and undermine the Islamic society. The meaning of the argument of religious interpretation here should be affirmed, because the real religious arguments may not lead men on ketidakadian and violent acts. That is, between the arguments of religion and its interpretation should be separated, because the two are very different.

Proposition religion comes from the Lord of the Righteous and the Justice, while interpretation is the work process of human reason that truth is relative. Which raises awareness of sexist enforcement of gender equality-including releasing a family of gender relations hierarkis- considered to destroy the values ​​of religion and undermine the Islamic society. The meaning of the argument of religious interpretation here should be affirmed, because the real religious arguments may not lead men on ketidakadian and violent acts. That is, between the arguments of religion and its interpretation should be separated, because the two are very different. Proposition religion comes from the Lord of the Righteous and the Justice, while interpretation is the work process of human reason that truth is relative. The meaning of the argument of religious interpretation here should be affirmed, because the real religious arguments may not lead men on ketidakadian and violent acts. That is, between the arguments of religion and its interpretation should be separated, because the two are very different. Proposition religion comes from the Lord of the Righteous and the Justice, while interpretation is the work process of human reason that truth is relative. The meaning of the argument of religious interpretation here should be affirmed, because the real religious arguments may not lead men on ketidakadian and violent acts. That is, between the arguments of religion and its interpretation should be separated, because the two are very different. Proposition religion comes from the Lord of the Righteous and the Justice, while interpretation is the work process of human reason that truth is relative.

However, there are at least two patterns of thought that developed in the village Panagguan, namely skriptualis and substansialis. The birth of the style of Muslim thought in the early 19th century AD are due to the intensive encounter between the Muslim world and the West. Thought skriptualis tend to treat orthodoxy as a destination. Reality must be in accordance with the teachings of the text. In the event of a conflict between the reality of the gospel text, then the task of the clergy is to defeat as soon as possible to the reality that the teachings. The task of conquering the deviant reality that is known for commanding the good nahy evil mission (amal ma’ruf nahi munkar).

According to Masdar F. Mas'udi, these categories of society gave birth to the spirit of high orthodoxy, even being very idealistic. But when it came to taking care of the text that is clearly different from the teachings of the text when unloaded, they are often naive. That naivety has fueled extremism suspected of thinking. Muslim history has much to witness heartbreaking events due to religious understanding such patterns.

While thinking mindset substansialis its concerns realists understand and accept the reality by considering the substance of the text of the doctrine, although to the teachings in the text may be sued or modified. Typology of religious understanding as it was in the past represented by the intelektualistik Mu'tazila group. With the controversial thesis that al-Qor'an the creature, then in fact they want to say that the Mu'tazilah and his followers seek legitimacy if at some point they have to sue and throw away what was said by al-Qor'an text. Their belief in human reason has forced them see the revelation does not conflict with what the human decisions that are present in the form of conceptual and social reality.

Both patterns of thought can be seen when researchers raised the issue of women's leadership. This issue departs from the sayings of the Prophet Muhammad. about kepempinan women, which reads: "There will be lucky people who appointed a woman as their leader".

Interpretation and clerics and religious teacher at Panagguan concerning the purpose of the above hadith is very varied. Some argue that the hadith as the legal basis ketidakbolehan female leader. The group that later became the forerunner of the birth of skriptualis kijaji or religious teacher. On the other hand, some have argued that the substance of the hadith must be adapted to the context. Group who later gave birth substansialis kijaji or religious teacher.

Groups or religious teacher Kyai skriptualis assume that the source of Islam is derived from the sacred text either in the form of the Qur'an and hadith. Therefore, when the text was regarded as a source of doctrine, then any interpretation should be in line with the existing text. This view was expressed, for example, by KH. Abdullah, who said that the text contained in the teachings of the Qur'an and hadith do not need to be interpreted other than as set forth therein. In addition, it must be adapted to the interpretation of the scholars of the past. The impression that emerged at that time was that the text of the hadith is the source of Islamic teachings that there should be no other meaning other than that described by the scholars of the Salaf earlier. Since the text was sacred text. He added that if there is any other meaning, also not to leave the meaning implied in the text. The mindset developed by Kyai Bashir may be due to educational background that comes from the Middle East, what some people tend skriptual and textual.

In line with the above view, Ustadz Ali insists that should not even there should be no other interpretation that seemed to deviate from the understanding of the scholars of the Salaf that has been widely stated in the classics. Therefore, according to the process of understanding remains at the initial concept in accordance with the sound of a text that for whatever reason, some people will never be lucky if it is led by a woman. In fact, he asserts that whatever the goals and ideals of a people can never be achieved as long as the leads they are woman or a woman. He gave an example when there is a war between Ali is jamal with Aisyah ra (who at the time was commander of the war). It turned out that the end of the battle was won by the party of Ali and Aisha were deported to be returned to Medina. The scholars concluded that the women when they too came forward, the goals and ideals of anything often foundered. That is because of a woman that too many shortcomings both physically and mentally.

Instead, the group substansialis clerics or religious teacher, as KH Safraji and cleric Khalil, said. First, they assess from the historical roots that the hadith is seen against the backdrop of its history. Second, the hadith is also to be seen the context that since coming or asbab al wurud above hadith is imposible and reactive to insult the king Chosroes. Third, that at this point (in the context of Indonesia) constitutional system is different from the old days that is the kingdom (the king was the sole ruler who has full authority). As for now, it's only a president in power in the executive. Fourth, the substance of the hadith is not a gender issue that differentiate between types of men and women. However, stressing her over to the professionalism and competence of a person. As the word of Allah Almighty. which tells the success and prosperity of the country of Saba led by a woman beautiful girl named Queen Balqis.

Responding to the word of Allah the letter al-Nisa '(4): 34, they considered that the real focus of the paragraph above is the family of domestic issues that positions a husband as head of household and his wife as a companion. Thus, the context is more to the issue of the family and not in public affairs. Therefore, matters concerning public affairs is not focused on factors of gender, but the ability, competence and professionalism that became the main reference. If a lady who is considered capable and has the capacity to lead, why not ?.

Therefore, women have the right to enjoy the same political rights as men. He has the right to occupy political office at any level. They found their essential equality between men and women in exercising political rights. Due to the public interest and the practice of democracy requires it. Women are part of society. They have the same interests as the interests of men. Thus, the equation between them should be realized in managing public affairs of the country. It tisak can be accomplished unless women can use their political rights completely. The drawback that there is in women is a human thing, because men also have shortcomings.

Indeed, women's involvement in political matters is a matter of justice, because the principle of democracy gives everyone a chance to play politics to protect and defend his personality. Women are part of the people who should be consulted and have the same rights as men in this matter. Opinions are based on the verse:

"He (Queen Balquis) said: O princes, grant me this consideration in my business. I never decided a case before you're in majelisku. They said: We are the ones who have the strength and courage that highly (in the war). While the decision is in your hands. So consider what thou wilt command. "

The above paragraph explains that women are able to express their opinions were correct, participate in political matters and bear a huge responsibility.

Women in the village Panagguan, according to Sama Buk, mostly following the thinking KH. Abdullah. According to the work of women can not be separated from adhandhan, arembi ', and amassa' (taking care of themselves, melahirl

Adhandhan wife necessity to get justification from the Hadith of the Prophet. Salman al-Farisi said: "I heard the Messenger of Allah said: woman (wife) who dress up, wear fragrances, and then left the house without her husband's permission, then he goes under the wrath of God until he returns". That is, the wife dress up just for the husband and if you want to leave the house have permission from her husband.

With regard to the activities of arembik, a husband and wife are prohibited from refusing invitations to intercourse (apolong tedung).Sexual intercourse is the most intimate relationship that exists between husband and wife. Sexual intercourse is not just a means of meeting the biological desire inherent in every living being. Sexual intercourse has a sacred dimension, because it is a form of worship to God. The husband has the right to take his wife to the bed whenever he wants. In the hadeeth of the Prophet declared that wives who refuse call-husband to the bed will be cursed by God until morning.

Panagguan village women were not included in discussions of various terms, such as conversation the political, economic, social, educational, and so on. It is called “rembhak lake '” (conversation or business men or husband). This means that the process of marginalization of women Panagguan specifically or Madura generally that in some ways they as a group of people who are socially marginalized. The implication was the difference in female marginalization process Panagguan shaping their social patterns which manifests itself in the form of posture behavior they manifest in everyday life. Women Panagguan positioned as groups that are not important and will result in the marginalization of the role of women in other aspects of life.

Marginalization is a process of impoverishment. In the sense here that the process of social marginalization not only refers to the economic impoverishment but in the sense as impoverishment in the broader sense comes to the impoverishment of the social, economic, political and cultural role. According to Mansour Fakih, marginalization process is a process of exploitation in the form of impoverishment on gender sourced from government policies, interpretations of religion, beliefs, traditions and customs or even the assumptions of science. More Fakih describe forms of marginalization occurs in the form of exploitation, impoverishment, or other forms of marginalization.

Focusing on activities aimed at the male role (androcentris) and woman as a second sex is a portrayal of the social behavior of people who are conscious or not have done pengekploitasian by reducing the role of the real without the recognition of the role that is run by a woman. The marginalization becomes considered normal in a society.

On the issue of marginalization of women by Nunuk P. Murniati states that patriarchal system provides a great tendency for the marginalization experienced by women. A woman will be placed in household domestic service area and the nature of women to pregnancy, childbirth and breastfeeding so that a woman would be better placed in a stable position in the house.

The same thing to say about the marginalization of women Murniati proposed by Kuntjooroningrat that the marginalization of women can be done and can be felt in the family, household or in the form of social networks that many engage community members in developing a system of social organization.

Marginalization or exclusion of what happens to women in a social networks in which injustice socialized steadily ultimately women become accustomed to and eventually believed that gender roles as nature, and will create structures and systems of gender inequality are "acceptable" and is not longer felt there was something wrong. This condition occurs in women Panagguan village. As stated by Nuk Kutsiyan that women in the village did not sue or accept gracefully about his role in the household, because according to him, it has been taught for generations by his grandmother and his parents and taught by clerics or housekeeper when they was in boarding school (Pondok Pesantren). Women in a patriarchal system are placed as objects by men. Thus of many cases of marginalization, the position of women has always been the object of a process of marginalization that exist in a society.

However, there are some women Panagguan who also work outside the home. They are in a certain extent following the Kyai thought Khalil. They usually sell agricultural products such as beans, cassava, roasted corn, and so on. They menetapa at a location in the town of Pamekasan and others berkeling from one place to another. Buk Ma'ati mengusahkan that he sells cassava cooked, roasted corn, boiled peanuts and roasted peanuts from office to office, as well as to IAIN Madura. Allow her husband when he asked for permission to membanyu family economy by way of selling as such.

The same thing is done by Buk Friday that he was selling fish in the market sea Pamekasan Pawnshop Office intersection every day. That was done by himself solely to help her husband in making a living.

This means that there are some women who play doubles (double burden), which is working in the house or domestic space and outside the home or publik.Kaitannya room with a double burden of the wife, Mosser says that women not only play doubles, but women have a triple role (triple burden) is the role of reproduction, namely the role associated with traditional roles in the domestic sector, the productive role, namely the role of economic sectors, public and social role, namely the role in the community. Moreover, Moore stated that the daily lives of women different in the context of the double burden. Burden of providing unpaid care in services in domestic work, as well as the burden of providing the survival of the economy through wage labor, provide norms for women.

With regard to the wives who work outside the home to earn a living, Article 79 Compilation of Islamic Law describes the position of husband and wife, that: a) The husband is the head of the family and the wife is a housewife. b) Rights and wives position is balanced with the rights and status of the husband in domestic life and social life in the community. c) Each party has the right to take legal actions.

In accordance with the sound of the foregoing article that each party has the right and kedudukuan similar or balanced in household life and each party is entitled to perform an act of law, which in this study the legal act in question is a work, then Compilation Islamic law does not prohibit a wife to do a job outside the home as well as husband to do a job. But a woman should not leave the duty to take care of the household according to their position as the wife is as housewife, because after a husband was obliged to require a wife to take care of their everyday lives. Women also should not leave any obligation imposed upon him by reason of his time has run out to work or he was tired of working so no longer able to work on other domestic matters. Instead women should be prioritize the implementation of all obligations of the work, because the laws work for women are permissible.

With this law, women may work and may also not work. If a believer or a Muslim prioritize permissible actions and ignoring the obligatory deeds, then he has committed immorality (sin) to God. Therefore it is not proper for a Muslim to prioritize work with dereliction of a duty as a mother and housekeeper. Nor is it appropriate for him prioritizing work while she misses the other obligations.

Working out should not be making the wife negligent in exercising the right of the husband, for example, did not return in the long term when the husband was at home. Especially when the husband is in need of its existence. If the conditions mentioned above are met, then it is legitimate to work outside the home without any risk. When a wife work, it will have their own income and income owned by the wife is a wife full rights to use it, because the obligation to provide a living only in the husband. However, the wife which provide income for the family and household purposes counts as charity or as additional income in the family. And if there is agreement between the husband and wife to participate with the family's needs on the principle of love is the best solution. Nowadays, a lot of employment opportunities for women, but not a few business opportunities that can be done at home.

Epilog

In one settlement Madura taneyan lanjhang, formed by a number of houses in order in a row with the main house which is in the middle. The main house is usually marked with a chicken's comb on its roof.

In taneyan lanjhang the kobhung located at the western end (qibla) serves as the central activity of man, namely the transfer of religious values to generation, as a place of work during the day, the reception area, a place of rest and sleep for men, and used to perform rituals daily as well as a warehouse of agricultural products. With kobhung in the West, home to the North and the kitchen, pakeban, and a cage in the south or in front of the house, very helpful for the husband to oversee wife. Husband through kobhung can also control and out of his wife and others in the cluster, as a doorway into clusters is usually in the west, which is in the south or north kobhung it. The husband supervision becomes more effective because the front of the kobhung are closed, leaving only a doorway into the kobhung.

With kobhung architecture like that, the husband can see the situation on the outside, but the outside kobhung could not see inside kobhung. More specifically, the wife does not know or can not see into kobhung, whether there is in it or not (sami). Thus, the wife would constantly being watched by her husband.

This indicates that kobhung be Panopticon. Panopticon building eight square shape surrounded by a wall with a tower in the middle. At the edge there is a circular building detention cells with two open windows reinforced bars, one leading to the inside so clearly visible from the control tower located in the middle circle the building. Another open window illuminating beam directed out that cell. Thus not only the visible shadow inmates, but the whole move was clearly observed by inspectors. Inmates do not know who or how many were watching, they know is that he himself is monitored.

The position of women was obvious position that is protected or subordinate position. Women in the village Panagguan can not escape from adhandhan, arembi ', and amassa' (taking care of themselves, melahirl / right or caring for the family, and cooking) as a form of devotion to family. With this condition, they did not sue or accept gracefully about his role in the household, because it has been taught for generations and is taught by clerics or housekeeper when they were in the boarding school.

However, there are some women Panagguan who also work outside the home. They usually sell agricultural products such as beans, cassava, roasted corn, and so on. They menetapa at a location in the town of Pamekasan and others berkeling from one place to another. This means that there are some women who play doubles (double burden), which is working in the house or domestic space and outside the home or public spaces.

As a recommendation of this study; First, IAIN Madura more portray themselves in society, in providing the preparation human resources development (SDM) gender equitable. Second, the Ministry of Religious Affairs Pamekasan in public roles Islamic Guidance through counseling on the importance of gender sensitivity in the countryside, and the third, Head of Public Welfare Pamekasan, should further guidance on the role of kobhung as local wisdom at the village level beside as a sacred place in keeping kehrmatan family

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